Ofsted tightens focus on SEND: providers warned to raise inclusion standards

Ofsted has signalled a tougher stance on inclusion and SEND provision under its renewed inspection framework, warning that schools and education providers will now face closer scrutiny of how they meet the needs of pupils with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND).
In a detailed response to Harrow Monitoring Group’s publication, Rebuilding on Weak Foundations – A Critical Review of SEND Policy in England, Ofsted’s National Director for Education, Lee Owston HMI, confirmed that inclusion is now “at the heart of our reforms,” with inspectors expected to probe not only classroom practice but also leadership, culture, and parental engagement.
“If you get it right for the most vulnerable, you get it right for everyone,” Mr Owston said, quoting His Majesty’s Chief Inspector, Sir Martyn Oliver. “Inclusion must become the norm.”
“It is important to note that many of the issues you raise were taken into consideration when we designed our renewed framework” Mr Owston letter said.
Under the new inspection framework, Ofsted will look for:
Curricula and teaching based on the best available evidence for supporting pupils with SEND.
Behaviour and attendance policies that reflect the particular challenges faced by SEND learners.
A whole-school approach to inclusion, ensuring accurate identification and timely support.
Equal access for SEND pupils to enrichment and extracurricular opportunities.
Mr Owston said inspectors have been trained to recognise that pupils with SEND are “not a homogenous group,” stressing that inspection teams will expect to see ambition and high expectations for every learner.
He added that parental involvement is now a key element of inspection, with leaders expected to demonstrate how they collaborate with families and use their insights to shape provision. Ofsted’s inspection of initial teacher education will also check that new teachers are confident in meeting diverse needs.
The changes form part of a wider reform effort by Ofsted, which continues to carry out joint area SEND inspections with the Care Quality Commission. Owston acknowledged that inspectors still find “delays, inconsistencies and adversarial relationships” in some local areas but said strong, collaborative practice is also being recognised and shared nationally.
The message from Ofsted is clear: inclusion is no longer optional. As inspections become more rigorous, SEND providers and school leaders must ensure their policies, culture, and classroom practice stand up to sharper evaluation.

Harrow children’s services still in recovery

Harrow’s latest HMI monitoring visit paints a picture of a service on the mend – but not yet out of intensive care. Inspectors found that the Leaving Care Service has made “significant progress” since January, with leaders showing honesty, determination, and a renewed focus on caring for their young people. Yet beneath the optimism lies a quieter reality: this is a service still in recovery, not yet in full health.
The council is under Department for Education Improvement Notice, following the Harrow’s children’s services being overall judged to be inadequate by Ofsted early this year.
The monitoring inspectors commended the council’s leadership for “reshaping the Leaving Care Service” and building a more caring culture. Personal Advisers (PAs) were praised for their passion and persistence, and care leavers themselves spoke warmly about feeling supported and safe – a marked improvement from the sense of neglect some described earlier in the year.
But the report’s tone – part celebration, part caution – suggests progress built on fragile foundations. The repeated emphasis on stability, permanent recruitment, and a unified strategic plan reveals a workforce still finding its footing. Many PAs are new, and while their enthusiasm is evident, inspectors warned they need time and space to go beyond minimum statutory duties and deliver the depth of care young people deserve.
Harrow Monitoring Group has consistently highlighted that Harrow’s children’s services need a shift in culture and ethos, rather than mere compliance, if they are to deliver genuinely sustainable, caring support. Likewise, councillors would benefit from clearer, more insightful briefings, not optimism, that enable them to make well-informed, confident decisions about the service’s direction.
Visiting inspectors report highlights “some good quality supervision” and “some nice recording,” but those qualifying words – some – hint at inconsistency. Strengths are emerging, but not yet systemic. Leadership oversight has improved, audits are sharper, and data is finally driving performance, yet the need to “enhance quality assurance” and “improve pathway planning” shows there’s still distance to travel before good practice becomes the norm.
What stands out most is the cultural shift: staff speaking with pride again, young people feeling seen, and relationships beginning to heal. That change in tone and trust matters – it’s the human foundation of recovery. But culture alone won’t sustain improvement. Without stable leadership, permanent posts, and joined-up planning, Harrow risks sliding back into the turbulence from which it’s only just emerging.
The inspectors’ message is clear, even if softly delivered: Harrow has turned a corner, but the journey isn’t over. Real recovery means embedding this new energy into systems that endure – not relying on short bursts of goodwill and resilience. The hard work isn’t finished; it’s only just begun.

HMI Monitoring visit

Best Start Grants: ambitious plans, modest means

Best Start grants are delivering £150,000 of funding to Harrow as part of a £12 million national investment, marking what ministers call a transformative step in early education and childcare.
The Best Start initiative promises to roll out 30 hours of government-funded childcare for working parents, saving families up to £7,500 per child per year. It also aims to boost nursery capacity by creating and expanding school-based nurseries, and to end ‘toddler top-up fees’, tackling overcharging on essentials such as nappies. A record uplift to the early years’ pupil premium will also help children most in need to thrive.
In welcoming the grant, Harrow Labour’s shadow portfolio holder for education & children’s services, Cllr Stephen Hickman, has said that the new Best Start Family Hub will give parents the support they need and children the strong foundations they deserve.
However, questions remain about whether £150,000 is enough to make a meaningful difference in Harrow. Critics argue that such a sum may struggle to expand nursery places, sustain staffing, or guarantee quality provision. There are also calls for transparency over how Harrow Council will allocate the funding – how many new childcare places will be created, and how success will be measured.
Local observers say the true test will come in the months ahead: whether childcare providers can scale up staff and deliver improvements without sacrificing quality, and whether central government support continues beyond a one-off grant.

Riding in the Dark: Harrow’s stations feel safe only on paper

Recent national headlines have underscored a grim reality: reports of sexual assaults and harassment on trains have surged by more than a third over the past decade. A BBC investigation, reported on 14 October 2025, revealed 2,661 incidents last year across England, Scotland and Wales – and one in ten victims was a child, some as young as 12.
These figures are alarming. Yet their power is blunted when they remain national abstractions. What matters to Harrow’s commuters is: what is happening at Harrow & Wealdstone, at Harrow-on-the-Hill, at Headstone Lane and at other local stations?
According to local data, Harrow’s Underground stations recorded 205 crimes in 2024, up from 197 the previous year – most of them concentrated at Harrow-on-the-Hill. But those numbers tell us little about where or when people are most at risk.
Are assaults rising at night? On particular platforms? In carriages or station forecourts? We simply don’t know.
That absence of detail is not just inconvenient – it’s a shield. Without transparent, station-level data on sexual offences, campaigners, elected representatives, and commuters lack the evidence to demand targeted safety improvements: more patrols, better lighting, clearer CCTV coverage, visible staff presence, or station redesigns.
Worse, the lack of transparency allows national bodies – from the British Transport Police (BTP) to train operators – to insist they are “responding proportionally,” without showing whether Harrow, with its multiple high-traffic commuter hubs, is being adequately protected.
This data gap also undermines trust. When commuters read that sexual assaults have risen 37% since 2015, or that violent crimes against women and girls on transport increased 20% last year, they deserve to know what that means in their own borough.
If Harrow’s figures mirror, or exceed, those trends, we need to see it. If they don’t, transparency would reassure the public that progress is being made. Either way, the public deserves the truth.
Harrow council, passenger groups, and local media must press harder. They should demand that BTP, TfL, and national rail operators publish station-level, time-of-day breakdowns of sexual and harassment incidents – at least quarterly. Without that, public confidence cannot be rebuilt.

SEND in Harrow: local reflections of a national crisis

Provision for children and young people with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities (SEND) remains one of England’s most persistent education challenges. Despite multiple reforms, the system is still fragmented, under-resourced, and overly bureaucratic, with outcomes for pupils and families falling short of the Government’s ambitions for inclusion and equity.
Our recent review, “Special Educational Needs: Support in England – A Critical Analysis”, finds that while national policy describes the system in detail, it fails to address the deeper issue driving the SEND crisis – a lack of coherent vision that places inclusion and pastoral development at the centre of education.
The review also highlights a fundamental conceptual flaw: the bundling of disability with special educational needs under one administrative framework. This approach assumes similar learning requirements across vastly different circumstances, reinforcing a deficit model that treats physical disability as synonymous with limited intellectual ability or academic potential.
These national weaknesses are clearly reflected locally in Harrow, where procedural compliance often outweighs meaningful support for children and families. Harrow’s SEND and Alternative Provision Strategy 2024–2029 outlines strong ambitions – early intervention, inclusion, and preparation for adulthood – yet faces familiar barriers: constrained funding, delayed assessments, and growing pressure on mainstream schools. The proposal for a new Ridgeway SEND School responds to local demand but also mirrors the national over-reliance on specialist settings rather than building true inclusion within mainstream education.
Although Harrow promotes co-production with parents and carers, many still experience inconsistent support and delayed responses, revealing a wider pattern of tokenistic participation. Persistent budget pressures within the borough’s high needs block continue to reproduce the national tension between financial control and educational fairness.
In short, Harrow’s SEND picture mirrors the national weaknesses – bureaucratic, fragmented, and conceptually flawed. Until both national and local policy adopt a clear, inclusive vision that distinguishes disability from learning need and values diversity as a strength, SEND provision will remain a system that manages difference rather than embraces it.

Local power, national decline: the Harrow Conservative paradox

Harrow’s political landscape presents a striking paradox: enduring Conservative strength at the local level amid national decline. According to YouGov, only 10% of the public believe Kemi Badenoch looks like a prime minister in waiting, and twenty Conservative councillors defected to Reform UK during the party’s own conference. 
Yet, confidence in the Harrow Conservatives – particularly in Harrow East – remains high ahead of the next council elections. This resilience persists even as the national party faces deep unpopularity, growing defections to Reform UK (including twenty-eight councillors since March), dismal polling, and widespread grassroots disillusionment.
Such a local situation can be understood through the interaction of three forces: demographic change, local governance strategy, and evolving ideological undercurrents.
Around 45% of Harrow’s residents are of Asian heritage – predominantly of Indian Gujarati background – and this demographic reality underpins much of the borough’s ongoing electoral realignment. Harrow East, with its high concentration of this community across several wards, has become emblematic of the Conservative Party’s broader strategy to consolidate support among socially conservative voters who once formed part of Labour’s traditional base.
The Conservatives’ success in Harrow East – gaining several wards and therefore securing control of the council in 2022, then retaining the parliamentary seat in 2024 despite heavy national losses – reflects years of carefully targeted community engagement. Much of this effort has been channelled through organisations such as the Conservative Friends of India and the Conservative Friends of Israel, led locally by Bob Blackman, MP for Harrow East. Party figures, including Harrow residents Lord Dolar Popat and Councillor Ameet Jogia, attribute this shift to sustained outreach and cultural engagement with the Indian community, which they argue has fostered a durable, identity-based voting bloc increasingly resistant to Labour’s traditional appeal.
This alignment is also shaped by transnational influences – particularly the divisive nationalist politics of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Many British-Indian households in Harrow regularly consume Indian media and are likely influenced by Modi’s brand of Hindu nationalism, which emphasises pride, self-reliance, and social conservatism. Some of these themes are echoed locally by Conservative politicians seeking to use these values for political advantage, reinforcing attitudes often sceptical of progressive rhetoric. In this way, Harrow stands at the intersection of global identity politics and local pragmatism – a microcosm of how diaspora identity and domestic partisanship increasingly intertwine in Britain’s urban politics.
Since regaining control of the council in 2022, Harrow Conservatives have shifted from earlier administrations’ focus on long-term regeneration and fiscal prudence to a more visible, enforcement-led style of governance.
Initiatives such as the Planning Enforcement Taskforce, anti–fly-tipping drives, and crackdowns on rogue landlords illustrate this change in tone and priority. The approach resonates with homeowners and small-business owners – core Conservative constituencies – who value order, stability, and competence.
However, the populist focus on ‘quick wins’ carries risks. Heavy-handed enforcement can alienate some, like renters and lower-income residents, if it is perceived as unfair or disproportionate. Local watchdogs have already raised concerns about accountability and equity, highlighting the fragile balance between visible effectiveness and inclusive governance.
The Conservatives’ rhetoric in Harrow echoes broader right-wing themes of ‘pride’, ‘cleaner streets’, ‘law and order’, and ‘toughness’ on misconduct. This language appeals to Reform-leaning and socially conservative voters, while helping the local party distance itself from national Conservative turmoil and Labour’s perceived softness. There is a danger that this turns governance into spectacle rather than substance.
By prioritising visibility and performance metrics over long-term development and community participation, the administration risks eroding public trust. Short-term political gains may come at the expense of inclusivity and sustained civic confidence.
Conclusion
Harrow Council Conservatives have crafted a narrative of competence and community connection amid their party’s national decline. Their results-driven, enforcement-heavy model – implemented by carefully selected senior managers – resonates strongly with socially and culturally traditional, property-owning voters: a microcosm of the electorate the party hopes to cultivate nationwide.
But, the durability of this model depends on whether it can evolve from visible order to inclusive governance. Cleaner streets and tougher enforcement may win elections, but fairness, transparency, and genuine engagement will determine whether local success can translate into lasting legitimacy.
Given such an unconventional political dynamic, it is difficult to see how Labour can make meaningful inroads in Harrow – particularly in Harrow East – through conventional politics alone.

How the London Mayor’s policies are helping Harrow thrive

In Harrow, right-wing voices and political opportunists invoking slogans about ‘restoring pride’ or ‘protecting character’ eagerly exploit nationalist sentiment to attack Sir Sadiq Khan, who is now serving his third term as London’s mayor.
Such divisive approach obscures the reality that Harrow has, in fact, benefited significantly from mayoral investment and support in recent years. From schools and libraries to parks, housing, and high streets, the Mayor’s policies and funding have made a visible difference for families, businesses, and communities across the borough – fostering genuine local pride rather than hollow nationalistic slogans.
The Mayor has made free school lunches for all primary pupils in state schools in London a permanent policy, easing pressure on family budgets during the cost-of-living crisis. Additional funding has been provided to schools in Harrow achieving high levels of meal uptake.
Through the Mayor’s Violence Reduction Unit, £1 million has been invested in holiday sports and activities, directly benefiting young people in Harrow by offering safe, healthy, and constructive opportunities during school breaks. Locally, the borough has also continued to deliver free Holiday Activities and Food (HAF) programmes each summer, supported by these London-wide initiatives.
Harrow has secured nearly £800,000 from the UK Shared Prosperity Fund through the Greater London Authority, dedicated to strengthening local culture and improving public spaces. This funding has supported the refurbishment of the arts block at Elliot Hall, upgraded archive storage and insulation at Headstone Manor, and contributed to revitalising Harrow’s high streets.
In addition, more than £2.2 million from the Mayor’s Outer London Fund – matched by the council – has gone toward regenerating Harrow town centre. Improvements have included new pavements, seating, lighting, planting, and signage, as well as the transformation of Lowlands Recreation Ground into a vibrant public performance space.
The Mayor has also directed resources across London to combat hate crime, extremism, and inequality, helping boroughs like Harrow become safer and more cohesive. Local families have further benefited from the Household Support Fund, which assists residents with food, energy bills, and other essentials during times of hardship.
While challenges remain – particularly around housing supply – the ongoing support by City Hall continues to help Harrow build genuine pride in its communities, protect vulnerable residents, and invest in the future of its children.

Harrow urged to back Warm Home Discount extension as fuel poverty bites

Elected representatives in Harrow are being urged to support the continuation of the Warm Home Discount Scheme, a flagship government policy that helps low-income and vulnerable households cut energy costs and tackle fuel poverty.
The government is currently consulting on the scheme’s future, with existing regulations set to expire on 31 March 2026. Campaigners say this is a critical opportunity to secure continued support for households from winter 2026/27 onwards.
Fuel poverty remains a pressing issue in Harrow, where around 10.7% of households (10,277 homes) are affected, according to 2022 figures published by gov.uk in 2024.
Like elsewhere, fuel poverty in Harrow arises when a household has a low income and lives in a home that cannot be kept warm at a reasonable cost. The borough’s diverse communities include many elderly residents, single parents, disabled people and low-income families living in poorly insulated housing.
Advocates warn that many struggling households miss out on support because they do not receive qualifying benefits. This includes private renters in older, inefficient homes, multi-generational families above benefit thresholds, and others facing hardship without eligibility.
Calls are growing for Harrow to press for wider eligibility criteria, including discretionary or digital applications, and for expanded Industry Initiatives that could fund local energy advice, insulation, and debt relief schemes. Campaigners also want stable, inflation-linked funding to ensure charities and the council can continue to support households at risk.
They argue that stronger collaboration between local authorities and voluntary groups will be essential to protect residents from the health and financial impacts of cold homes.

Council tax politics: Harrow Conservatives accused of misleading spin on funding fairness

Questions on social media about why council tax is lower in Brent than in Harrow have sparked a political row, with Harrow Conservatives accused of presenting a partial picture of the funding system.
Responding to criticism, local Conservatives claimed that “Brent receives far more grant funding from central government and that Harrow has, for many years under successive governments, received well below the average level of support compared to other outer London boroughs.”
Their statement is technically right but misleading by omission: government funding is not distributed evenly but through a Formula Grant system that takes into account factors such as population, deprivation levels, social care needs, and the strength of the local tax base.
Brent, with higher levels of deprivation, greater housing demand, and a more transient population, scores higher on need, which justifies its greater share of central funds.
Harrow, by contrast, is relatively more affluent, which means it naturally receives less support from central government. Yet the borough faces its own financial pressures. Like, an ageing population is driving up adult social care costs, but without the high deprivation scores that trigger additional government funding. This mismatch leaves Harrow with funding gaps that must be met locally through council tax.
Against this backdrop, Harrow’s 2025–26 budget, presented by astute finance executive Cllr David Ashton, has been described as broadly fair, with a focus on protecting statutory services. To balance the books, the council has opted to maintain higher council tax levels rather than rely on reserves or short-term savings.
Taking the example of Band D, the most common band in Harrow, covering nearly 29% of properties, the council tax for 2025–26 is £2,395.86. This is higher than in neighbouring boroughs such as Brent, Hillingdon, and Barnet. The underlying reasons, however, are structural rather than evidence of political ‘unfairness’.
Critics argue that Harrow’s financial approach is defensible on its own merits, without resorting to claims of long-standing injustice in government funding – a political “victim card.”

Harrow faces major new duties in domestic abuse response

Harrow Council’s struggling children’s services face fresh pressure after the government unveiled sweeping reforms to strengthen protection for children living with domestic abuse.
In its official response this month to the Domestic Abuse Commissioner’s report Victims in Their Own Right, ministers pledged more than £500 million for Family First Partnerships and promised funding until 2029.
The plan marks a significant step in recognising children as victims of domestic abuse in their own right, but it also places heavier statutory duties on local authorities, backed by tighter inspection and greater accountability.
For Harrow, the implications are stark. The borough’s children’s services were rated “inadequate” by Ofsted earlier this year and remain under a government improvement notice. Meeting the new national expectations will require rapid improvements in areas where the service is already under strain.
The forthcoming Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill will oblige councils to integrate schools formally into safeguarding partnerships, embed domestic abuse specialists into frontline teams, and enforce a new legal duty to share safeguarding information across agencies.
The reforms also extend councils’ responsibilities for safe accommodation. Children must now be treated as victims in their own right, included in needs assessments, and tracked through annual outcome reports covering those living in refuge or other safe housing.
Although ministers point to record levels of investment, the money will flow through Police and Crime Commissioners and Integrated Care Boards under a new Duty to Collaborate. Critics warn this could create patchy provision and leave councils like Harrow without the stability needed for long-term planning.
Scrutiny will also tighten. Ofsted and other inspectorates are expected to probe councils’ responses to domestic abuse in greater depth, with new requirements for more detailed data on children’s experiences, from early help referrals to Child in Need plans. At the same time, social workers and frontline staff must complete updated training on coercive control, trauma, and domestic abuse, delivered through a two-year induction programme and new professional standards – a demanding task for Harrow as it seeks to rebuild its depleted workforce.
For a Harrow service already under government watch, the reforms amount to a critical test. Failure to act quickly risks not only further censure from inspectors, but also leaving vulnerable children without the protection the law now promises them.
[Government response to the Domestic Abuse Commissioner’s report Victims in Their Own Right.]